Monday, December 23, 2013

Highlights of parashat Va-era`

In this week's parasha, G-d commissioned Moshe to free the people from Egypt.  (G-d has already done this is parashat Shemot, but after the failure of Moshe's first mission, chapter five, then there is a need to start over again.  The difference is that now Moshe was a willing messenger, while before he was a reluctant messenger.)  Afterwards, the Torah records seven of the ten plagues.  We have six discussions on the parasha on the blog.

One, we discuss why Moshe again mentioned to G-d his speech impediment, http://www.lobashamayim.blogspot.co.il/2009/01/shemot-612-passion-and-speech.html

Two, we discuss who was the agent of the first plague of blood, and how long did the plague last, http://www.lobashamayim.blogspot.co.il/2010/01/shemot-714-25-va-era-bloody-mess.html

Three, we discuss what was the plague of arov, http://www.lobashamayim.blogspot.co.il/2015/01/shemot-816-28-arov.html

Four, we offer an explanation how Pharaoh could have animals after the fifth plague since the  plague killed all the Egyptian animals,  http://www.lobashamayim.blogspot.co.il/2010/01/shemot-91-7-va-era-fate-of-animals.html 


Sunday, December 15, 2013

Highlights of parashat Shemot



This parasha begins by setting the background for the exodus, how the people became enslaved (chapter one) and Moshe's youth (chapter two).  The next two chapters record Moshe being commissioned by G-d to free the people, and the last chapter records the failure of Moshe's first mission to Pharaoh.  We have four discussions on this parasha.
The first discussion examines Pharaoh's plan to enslave and kill the male Jewish babies,  http://www.lobashamayim.blogspot.co.il/2009/01/shemot-18-22-population-dynamics.html
The second discussion discusses whether Moshe killed the Egyptian on purpose or by accident, http://www.lobashamayim.blogspot.co.il/2010/01/shemot-216-23-shemot-moshes-flight.html
The fourth discussion tries to understand what happened to Moshe and his son when Moshe was returning to Egypt, http://www.lobashamayim.blogspot.co.il/2009/01/shemot-423-26-by-inn.html 

Sunday, December 8, 2013

Highlights of parashat Va-yehi



This parasha focuses on the last days and death of Yaakov.  We have six discussions on this parahsa:
We have two discussions on Yaakov's blessings to his grandsons, Menahse and Efrayim.  One discusses the structure of chapter 48, http://www.lobashamayim.blogspot.co.il/2010/12/bereshit-487-va-yehi-structure-of.html and one attempts to explain how Yaakov did not recognize his grandsons,  http://www.lobashamayim.blogspot.co.il/2009/12/bereshit-488-va-yehi-who-are-you.html
The fourth discussion examines whether the brothers and Yosef were truly reconciled in the end, http://www.lobashamayim.blogspot.co.il/2012/12/bereshit-5015-21-va-yehi-happy-ending.html
The fifth discussion argues that Yaakov knew that the brothers had caused Yosef to be sold to Egypt, http://www.lobashamayim.blogspot.co.il/2009/01/bereshit-501415-did-yaakov-find-out.html
The sixth discussion  explains that Yosef was the fourth generation referred to in the prophecy of Bereshit 15:16, http://www.lobashamayim.blogspot.co.il/2009/01/bereshit-502425-representative.html

Monday, December 2, 2013

Highlights of parashat Va-yiggash



This week's parasha records Yehuda's great speech which moved Yosef to reveal himself to his brothers and then all the family moved to Egypt. We have three discussions on the parasha:


Two, a discussion on why Yosef asked is my father alive after he revealed himself to his brothers, http://www.lobashamayim.blogspot.co.il/2009/01/bereshit-453-present-danger.html

Three, when the family goes to Egypt, the Torah records that the family consisted of seventy people, but this count is not obvious.  We offer a solution to this question, http://www.lobashamayim.blogspot.co.il/2009/12/bereshit-468-27-va-yiggash-who-is-to-be.html

Sunday, November 3, 2013

Bereshit 37:2-14 (Va-yeshev) – Yaakov's parenting

Bereshit 37:2 records that Yosef was 17 years old and he would tattle on his brothers, Dan Naftali, Gad and Asher (the sons of Bilha and Zilpa) to his father. It is surprising that Yosef felt the need to tattle since usually this would be the behavior of little kids and not of a 17 year old. In any event, the tattling surely did not endear Yosef to his brothers, but nothing is recorded concerning the brother's re-action to Yosef's tattling.

37:3 then records that Yaakov loved Yosef more than his other children since he was a ben zekunim (see our discussion on 37:3, "The anticipated child") and Yaakov gave Yosef a fancy special coat. After this action, the Torah records that the brothers hated Yosef, 37:4.

Why would Yaakov reveal his greater love for Yosef? The Talmud (Shabbat 10b) quotes Raba ben Mehasia who said in the name of Rebi Hama ben Giora who said in the name of Rav that from this case we learn that a parent should not favor one child over another. Did Yaakov not know this rule that a parent should not favor one child? Why would Yaakov have thought that his other children would accept his favoritism?

One possibility is that Yaakov was acting as a parent from what he learned from his parents. 27:28 records that Yitzhak loved/ favored Esav, while Rivka loved/ favored Yaakov. According to this idea, Yaakov thought it was perfectly fine to favor one child over another. Yet, when Yosef told his dreams to his brothers and to Yaakov, Yaakov attempted to reprimand Yosef in order that the brothers would not hate the Yosef. Yaakov gave an interpretation of the dream which showed that the dream could not be true, even though Yaakov really thought that the dream was a sign of the future, see our discussion on 37:9,10 "Yosef's dreams of the stars, the moon and the sun" Thus, the question remains why would Yaakov show such overt favoritism to Yosef by giving him the special coat if it could cause the brothers to hate Yosef and himself?

My guess is that Yaakov was gambling when he gave Yosef the special coat. Most likely Yaakov had told Yosef to stop tattling but Yosef was not listening to him. Yaakov was unable to discipline his children and to assert his authority in the house, as for example in the case of Reuven and Bilha, 35:22. What was Yaakov to do to stop Yosef from tattling?

Yaakov strategy was that the coat would change Yosef's behavior that Yosef would no longer tattle, and then this would reduce some of the enmity in the household. The logic would depend on what the coat signified. If it signified greater authority (see Seforno on 37:3), then the idea was that with this added authority Yosef would not feel a need to tell Yaakov what the other brothers were doing. Or if the coat was just a sign of love, then Yaakov thought that Yosef was tattling to win points with him, and then the coat was to tell Yosef that since he was so loved there was no need to tattle. With this idea we see the connection between 37:2 and 37:3 and we understand why the Torah had to inform us about Yosef's tattling since it was the reason why Yaakov gave Yosef the special coat.

Yaakov knew that there was a chance that his other sons would resent his favoritism, but he thought they probably already knew that he loved Yosef more, and hence he was gambling that the added level of overt favoritism was worth the chance that the Yosef would stop tattling which would lead overall to greater family unity.

Alas, Yaakov's gamble did not work. The coat caused more resentment and while the Torah does not record that Yosef continued to tattle, Yosef still felt the need to reveal his dreams to his brothers. As mentioned above, Yaakov tried to stop this by giving an unrealistic interpretation to the second dream, but this also did not work as the brothers were still jealous of Yosef, 37:11. This led Yaakov to gamble even more.

37:13,14 records that Yaakov asked Yosef to go visit his brothers in Shekhem to see how they were doing. Why did Yaakov send Yosef?

Yaakov was not oblivious to the brother’s hatred of Yosef, but he realized that he was unable to close the rift between Yosef and his brothers. Furthermore, he knew that Yosef being alone with his brothers away from home would be unpleasant for Yosef, but he did not think that Yosef’s life would be in danger since he knew from the dreams that Yosef would succeed. His plan was that if all of his sons (except Binyamin) were together far away from home, then maybe they might be able to restore their relationship on their own. Thus, he took the risk of sending Yosef to his brothers in the hope of unifying the family, but alas it too failed.     

Friday, October 4, 2013

Bereshit 24:1, 25:1,2 – Avraham in his older years: To be virile, again

Bereshit 24:1 records that Avraham was old, advanced in years, and G-d had blessed Avraham with everything. This verse raises several questions. One, we already know that Avraham was old, why is this information recorded? Two, what does the phrase "advanced in years" add after the verse already stated that he was old? Three, what is the connection between Avraham's age and the second half of the verse that he was blessed? Four, what was the blessing? What does the word everything refer to? Finally, how does this verse relate to the previous section of burying Sara and the next section of appointing a messenger to find a wife for Yitzhak?

The phrase "advanced in years" in 24:1 also appears in 18:11, which states that Avraham and Sara were old advanced in years, and then 18:11 records that Sara was no longer menstruating. 18:12 continues this theme, as the verse records that Sara stated that both she and Avraham were too old to have children. We see that the phrase "old advanced in age," means not just that the person is old but that with this old age, the person is no longer virile or fertile. Avraham and Sara were in this state prior to the announcement of Yitzhak's birth, and then G-d performed a miracle to restore Avraham's virility and Sara's fertility, 18:14. What happened since then? It appears that the normal course of time again returned, and they did not have any more children after Yitzhak.

Accordingly, the first half of 24:1 is stating that Avraham was no longer virile, and then the blessing of everything was that G-d returned to Avraham his virility. Maybe G-d did this as a comfort to Avraham after the death of Sara, that with his renewed strength, he could re-marry. However, before he re-married, he wanted Yitzhak to be married since many times it is difficult for children when their parents re-marry. To minimize any problems, Avraham waited to re-marry until after Yitzhak had found a wife. Furthermore, as Yitzhak was still at least 37 and not married, he decided to move things along by appointing a servant to find a wife for Yitzhak. After, the servant's successful mission, Avraham re-marries, 25:1, and and with his renewed virility he had more children, 25:2. This renewed virility and children might be the beginning of the fulfillment of the blessing to Avraham at the akedah, 22:17.

This understanding of 24:1 can answer another question. 25:2 records that Avraham had six sons with Ketura, which is quite surprising. Sara died when Avraham was 137, and already when he was 99, both he and Sara had expressed doubts that he was able to father any children, 17:17, and 18:12.

Netziv (on 25:2) explains that once Avraham was given the ability to father Yitzhak at the age of 100, then he never lost this ability. This is difficult since then we would have thought that Avraham and Sara would have had more than one child.

Hoffmann (1969) argues that although people lived longer in those days, the years were proportional to modern day lives. Thus, he claims that when Avraham was 140 this was comparable to being 56 in modern times, which allowed him to have had children without requiring any miracles. Hoffman then argues that the miracle of Yitzhak’s birth was that Sara was able to give birth. He follows Ramban’s explanation of 17:17, that Avraham was expressing doubt that he could have a child with Sara since they had not been able to do so before, but not that he himself could not father a child. While it must be that the aging process for Avraham and Sara was different from modern times, as how else could they live such long lives (see our discussion, "Longevity and the aging process in the Torah"), yet still 18:12 remains unexplained, as Sara says that Avraham was too old when he was 99. (Presumably, Ramban and Hoffmann understand 18:12 as they did 17:17, but it is a difficult explanation.)

Luzzatto (on 25:1) writes that there is no doubt that Avraham married Ketura before Sara died. This would seem to explain how Avraham was able to father the children of Ketura, but it seems difficult to believe that Sara would have allowed Avraham to take another wife after all the fights she had with Hagar. Also, presumably Avraham did not marry Ketura before he married Hagar, since then there would have been no need to marry Hagar once Avraham had fathered children with Ketura.

A simpler explanation on 25:2 is our explanation of 24:1 that G-d restored Avraham's virility to him after Sara died. This strength remained with him for enough years that he was able to father the six sons recorded in 25:2 and possibly more depending on how one understands 25:6. 

Bibliography: 

Hoffmann, David Tzvi (1843-1921), 1969, Commentary on Genesis, Bnei Brak: Nezach.







Sunday, September 1, 2013

Tashlikh


The Rama (Cracow, 1520-1572) writes (on the Shulchan Arukh, Orah Chayyim, 583:2) that on Rosh Hashanah people go to the rivers and recite the verse from Micah (7:19) "G-d should cast into the depths of the seas all their sins." The word for casting in Hebrew is tashlikh and this has become the name of this custom. However, the Rama only briefly mentioned the custom and he left out (probably purposely) the main element in the custom, which is the throwing of food to the fish.

Jacob Lauterbach (1873-1942) has a very lengthy review of the tashlikh custom. He quotes (1936, reprinted in 1973, p.389) from a convert, John Pfefferkorn (1469-1521) who wrote that "the people would come to near the water, shake their garments, (in which they carried their food) and, throwing the food into the water, they would cry out to the fish, 'We throw our sins to you." Pfefferkorn also did woodcuts of the ceremony and he shows the same idea of people throwing food into the war to the fishes. Lauterbach notes that another convert, Anthonius Margaritha gave a similar description of tashlikh in 1530.

The custom is first mentioned by the Maharil (R. Yaakov ben Moshe Levi Moelin, Germany, 1365-1427, Laws of Rosh Hashanah) and he writes that after the meal on Rosh Hashanah, people go to a river and recite the verse of Micah 7:19. Lauterbach (p.385) suggests that the timing of doing tashlikh after the meal was because people took the leftover food from the meal to throw to the fish. However, the Maharil writes that one should not throw food to the fish. From this statement, we see that the custom was in fact to throw food to the fish. (This is how I remember the custom when growing up in West Hempstead, Long Island in the early 1970s.)

It is not clear why the Maharil did not accept the custom of throwing food to the fish. The Maharil writes that throwing food to the fish violates the laws of carrying on the festivals and of feeding animals that are not yours. However, there is no prohibition of carrying on the festival if the carrying is for the festival and here the carrying of food is to fulfill the custom of the festival, which makes it permissible. With regard to feeding animals, the Shulchan Arukh (497:2) rules that on yom tov cannot feed fish, birds and animals that are not your own since you might come to catch them. The Mishnah Berurah (497:5) comments that it is only forbidden to feed the animals by placing the food right in front of them but if one puts the food a little away from them and they come on their own to get the food it is permitted. Thus, by tashlikh on yom tov there is no prohibition of feeding the fish since the person is not intending to catch the fish and the fish come up from the water to get the food (usually bread and crumbs).

It is possible that the Maharil, who lived before the Shulchan Arukh, did not accept the Shulchan Arukh's ruling on feeding animals, but more likely his two reasons were a cover, and he had another reason which he did not want to publicize. Daniel Sperber (1995, p.121) makes the interesting suggestion that the fear was that Christians would seize upon the throwing of food into the river as a pretense to claim that the Jews were poisoning the water. Another possibility is that the practice of throwing food to the fish was copying a Christian practice, as Lauterbach (p.429, also noted by Sperber, p.119) writes that Petrarch recorded a ceremony exactly like tashlikh done by Christians in Cologne, Germany in the 14th century. (Who copied who?) A third possibility is that the Maharil was trying to minimize the custom since the going to the river and hanging around to feed the fish led to the intermingling of men and women, see Arukh Hashulchan (583:4), who as much later time period, end of the 19th century, was concerned about this issue.

Due to the rabbinic protestations against the custom of throwing food to the fish and in some places the lack of water with fish, the custom of tashlikh has evolved into various forms. One practice is to continue the initial custom of reciting the verses and throwing food to the fish. I believe this practice is still prevalent in the Diaspora. Two, amongst Sefardim and many in Israel, one just looks at some body of water and recites the verses, without throwing any food into the water. This body of water can be water from a faucet, a hose, a fountain or a water tower, where one does not see the water but knows that there is water inside. Within this variation, some people make an effort to go to a body of water that have fish, but they do not throw food to the fish. A third variation is that one goes to the water, recites the verses, and empties one's pockets. This emptying of the pockets is clearly the idea of taking the crumbs out of the pockets to feed the fish, but today most people's pockets are clean, so they are just shaking out empty pockets. A fourth variation, which I have never seen, is quoted by Lauterbach (pp.399, 411) that people in Tangiers in 17th century and people from Kurdistan in the 19th century, actually jumped into the war themselves! Finally, it is quoted (Ma'aseh Rav) that the Gra (1720-1797) did not do tashlikh at all, and the Arukh Hashulchan (583:4) writes that many people do not do this custom.

What is the reason for the custom of tashlikh? The Maharil (quoted in Mishnah Berurah 583:8) writes that it is to recall a miracle that G-d did for Avraham on the way to the akedah. According to the Midrash, which was written before the custom of tashlikh existed, the devil tried to block Avraham from going to do the akedah by becoming a raging river, but G-d did a miracle to dry up the river (the devil). This rationale for tashlikh is very strange. Why should we want to go to a river since that represents the devil? With this logic one should do tashlikh by a dry place. However, we need to remember that the Maharil was not trying to explain the real custom but was trying to find a reason for his desired change in the custom that people would just go to the river and not throw food into the river.

The Rama in his commentary on the Tur, the Darkei Moshe, which he wrote before his commentary on the Shulchan Arukh, gives another reason for the custom. In the Darkei Moshe (583), he quotes from R. Isaac Tyrnau (contemporary of the Maharil, Sefer ha-Minhagim) that the point was to see fish, which somehow is a sign that the evil eye will not look upon us (do not really understand) since it does not look upon the fish (not sure why not). The Rama in a different book, Torat ha-Olah 3:56 (quoted in Sperber, p.120) gives another reason that by going to the river this reminds one of G-d's majesty. This rationale is obviously problematic for one who fulfills the custom of tashlikh by turning on a faucet. For other reasons and more sources on this custom, see Rabbi Ari Zivotosky's fascinating review of the custom in Jewish Action, Fall 5768/ 2007, pp. 62-65, http://www.ou.org/torah/article/tzarich_iyun_tashlich

All these reasons are difficult since they are not explaining the real custom of throwing food to the fish, but the real custom has a simple explanation. On Yom Kippur, a major part of the ritual was for the high priest to transfer the sins of the people to a goat which was sent into the desert, Vayikra 16:21,22. This ceremony ended with the destruction of the Bet ha-Mikdash, but because this was such an important part of the ritual of the day, people wanted to continue it in some other forms and tashlikh is one of these attempts. Thus, the food, which symbolizes the sins, is sent to the fish who will take the sins far away. The Magen Avraham (1635-1682, 583:5) notes that it is best to do tashlikh outside the city, which is the idea of sending the sins far away. This understanding of the custom is not novel. It is exactly the meaning of the verse that is recited by tashlikh, Micah 7:19, to send the sins to the depths of the sea. Lauterbach (pp.397-399) quotes even two non-Jews from the 17th century who write that the custom was to carry the sins off "just like the scapegoat of old." With this understanding one should not do tashlikh by feeding fish in a home aquarium since then the sins stay at home.

Yet, the sending away of the sins is on Yom Kippur, why is this ceremony done on Rosh Hashanah? The answer is that there exists another custom, kapparot, which has the same symbolism to send away the sins, see our post Kapparot, http://www.lobashamayim.blogspot.co.il/2011/10/kapparot. Yet, kapparot is the older custom and is done on erev Yom Kippur, so why was another custom added which has the same meaning? To answer this question, we need to determine when the custom of tashlikh began.

The Maharil was the first person to quote the custom of tashlikh, which suggests that the custom began in his lifetime or shortly beforehand. Lauterbach (p.429) notes that people have made this argument but he thinks they are deluded. Yet, I think the argument is correct since the Tur (1269-1343?) who lived prior to the Maharil, quotes all Ashkenazi customs in his book, the Tur, but he does not refer to the custom of tashlikh. This strongly implies that he was not aware of the custom since it did not exist.

Why did the custom begin around the 14th century? I believe that there are two possible complementary answers. One, Rosh Hashanah is considered the day of judgment, and hence there developed the idea that people need to remove their sins by Rosh Hashanah and not wait until Yom Kippur. Two, the 14th century was a very difficult period for the Jews. The Black Plague killed off 50-60% of the population of Western Europe, and in the ensuing anti-Semitism, more Jews were killed since they were blamed for causing the plague. Thus, life began to be viewed as being very tenuous, even more so than before, and this created a need to do everything possible to be judged favorably. Tashlikh was an answer to this need since this was a symbolic act to hopefully increase one's chances of living. Note the Maharil was also the first person to quote the idea that one has to do kapparot for a fetus (see Darkei Moshe 505) which again is the idea of doing everything to ensure that G-d would judge the unborn child (who could not even have sinned) favorably.

Tashlikh became a crucial part of Rosh Hashanah, and then there developed the problem of what to do when the first day of Rosh Hashanah is on Shabbat because then there is truly a problem of carrying the food to the river. There would be no problem of carrying if the river was within the eruv (theoretical door frames that allow one to carry), but not all places had eruvs and as mentioned above tashlikh was usually done outside the city, which would be outside the eruv. This problem must have arisen almost immediately with the development of the custom, but Lauterbach (p.420) writes that R. Jehiel M. Epstein, the author of the Kitzur Shnei Luchot ha-Brit (end of 17th century) was the first person to discuss this problem, some 200-300 years after the custom started. R. Jehiel M. Epstein argued that when the first day of Rosh Hashanah was on Shabbat, tashlikh should be pushed off to Sunday, the second day of Rosh Hashanah. Lauterbach notes that R. Jehiel M. Epstein also objected to the "popular" idea that by tashlikh one throws away one's sins, so then for him it was not difficult to move the day. However, for those people who accepted the symbolism of tashlikh, it was very important to have tashlikh on the first day.

In 1725, the first day of Rosh Hashanah was on Shabbat and R. Jacob Riescher (Shvut Yaakov 3:42) argued that one should do tashlikh on the first day and that the Maharil allowed tashlikh on Shabbat. Yet, what about the prohibition of carrying on Shabbat? One could claim that the proponents of doing tashlikh on Shabbat were only maintaining that one should recite verses by the river and these verses could be memorized. Yet, again the practice was to throw food to the fish, so how could one carry the food to the river? Maybe the people usually threw food, but when the first day of Rosh Hashanah was on Shabbat then tashlikh was done without throwing food. Another possibility is that in his discussion of tashlikh, the Maharil writes that one should not take food from a non-Jewish person who was by the river. Lauterbach (p.386) notes that the non-Jew's presence by the river was surely no accident, and this suggests that on Shabbat the people would have non-Jews bring the food for them to throw into the water. If this is true, then it is quite amazing that we do not blow the shofar on Shabbat due to fear of carrying, but people would continue to do tashlikh on Shabbat. (With regard to throwing the food into the water, this would be from a carmelit (the edge of the river, see Mishnah Berurah, 301:176) to a carmelit (the river) less than four amot, which is permitted, see Shulchan Arukh 346:2. Even if the water would take the food further away, this would be coah (power) of the carmelit which is permitted see Shulchan Arukh, 355:1)

The Mishnah Berurah (583:7, end of 19th century, beginning of the 20th century) writes that he saw that in some places tashlikh was done on the second day of Rosh Hashanah when the first day falls on Shabbat because of the problem of carrying the machzor, but he does not refer to problem of bringing food to the river. The implication of his words (a few places) is that still in his time most people did tashlikh on the first day of Rosh Hashanah even when it was on Shabbat, see also Shaarei Tshuvah 583:10 (R. Chaim Mordechai Margoliot, 19th century). My impression is that today most people do tashlikh on the second day of Rosh Hashanah when the first day of Rosh Hashanah is on Shabbat.

In conclusion, the custom of tashlikh developed around the 14th century, and the initial custom was to throw food to the fish. This was thought to symbolically remove one's sins in order that a person would be judged favorably on Rosh Hashanah. This became such an intrinsic part of the day that even when the first day of Rosh Hashanah was on Shabbat, initially many people still did tashlikh, possibly by having a non-Jewish person bring them the food to throw.